By Paolo Virno
Globalization is forcing us to reconsider the various different types -- corresponding to "the people" -- that generally were linked to the now eroding nation. Italian political philosopher Paolo Virno argues that the class of "multitude," elaborated via Spinoza and for the main half left fallow because the 17th century, is a more robust device to research modern concerns than the Hobbesian idea of "people," favourite through classical political philosophy. Hobbes, who detested the concept of multitude, outlined it as shunning political cohesion, resisting authority, and not getting into lasting agreements. "When they insurgent opposed to the state," Hobbes wrote, "the voters are the multitude opposed to the people." however the multitude isn't only a unfavorable thought, it's a wealthy idea that permits us to research anew plural studies and different types of nonrepresentative democracy. Drawing from philosophy of language, political economics, and ethics, Virno indicates that being overseas, "not-feeling-at-home-anywhere," is a that forces the multitude to position its belief within the mind. In end, Virno means that the metamorphosis of the social structures within the West over the last two decades is resulting in a paradoxical "Communism of the Capital."
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Extra info for A Grammar of the Multitude: For an Analysis of Contemporary Forms of Life (Semiotext(e) / Foreign Agents)
The informality of communicative behavior, the competitive interaction typical of a meeting, the abrupt diversion that can enliven a television program (in general, everything which it would have been dysfunctional to rigidify and regulate beyond a certain threshold), has become now, in the post-Ford era, a typical trait of the entire realm of social production. This is true not only for our contemporary culture industry, but also for Fiat in Melfi. If Bianciardi was discussing labor organized by a nexus between (virtuosic) activity-without-endproduct and political attitudes as a marginal aberration, this has now become the rule.
Now, however, the third facet of human experience comes into play, Intellect. It is the "score" which is always performed, over and again, by the workers-virtuosos. I believe that the hybridization between the different spheres (pure thought, political life and labor) begins precisely when the Intellect, as principal productive force, becomes public. Only then does labor assume a virtuosic (or communicative) semblance, and, thus, it colors itself with "political" hues. Marx attributes to thought an exterior character, a public disposition, on two different occasions.
Wage labor is seen as a transitory phase, rather than as a life sentence. Even if only for a twenty-year period, the wage laborers had the possibility of planting the seeds of disorder into the ironclad laws of the labor market: by renouncing their own initial condition, they brought about a relative shortage of manpower and thus a raise in salaries. Marx, in describing this situation, offers us a very vivid portrait of a labor class which is also a multitude. 4. 1. In our previous seminar I tried to illustrate the mode of being of the multitude, beginning with the dialectic dread-safe haven.
A Grammar of the Multitude: For an Analysis of Contemporary Forms of Life (Semiotext(e) / Foreign Agents) by Paolo Virno